Folding Money in North Korea

Thou shalt not put a crease across Kim Il-sung’s holy image.

Be careful when you fold money in North Korea. If you look at the screen shot I took from a YouTube piece called “North Korea’s Underground Church,” you’ll see that the money handler avoids putting the crease across the face of Kim Il-sung. If you fold the North Korean money in half as you would a dollar, you are violating Kim Il-sung’s Principle number 3, article 6, a crime punishable by serving time in a gulag.

So, what’s the right way to do it? Fold the bill in three pieces around Kim’s portrait.

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What Drives Kim Jong-un?

KimJongIlia Flowers Tell All

Here’s a picture that Pyongyang’s KCNA (North Korean Central News Agency) released on February 16, in celebration of late Kim Jong-il’s birthday. It provides important clues to Kim Jong-un’s ultimate goal, and I asked K.J. Sohn (손광주), one of the foremost experts on North Korean affairs, to break down the items in this photo .

With the passing of Kim Jong-il, there were speculations among the North Korea watchers that his young son Kim Jong-un would be more amenable to the ways of the free world because of his education in Switzerland. That was nothing but a wishful thinking, as it turned out. Kim Jong-un is no better, judging by all the shenanigans he pulled past year—nuke tests, missile launches, and threats to bomb the U.S.

“Kim Jong-un is following the script that was written for him way back when,” says K.J. Sohn, “North Korea’s SuRyong system is such that he has to follow his grandfather’s vision and his father’s.”

Sohn points to the picture and explains. “This picture that tells all. There is no room for discussion about what he has to do.”

The picture shows an altar flanked by tall columns in Gothic splendor with myriad items arranged among red flowers named KimJongilia, which a Japanese botanist had developed in honor of Kim Jong-il. So, what are those items and what do they signify? Sohn explains what they are (in numerical order):

1. Kim Jong-il’s face inside a circle resembling the sun.

2. 영원한 (young won han), meaning, everlasting.

3. 선군태양 (seon goon [son’gun] tae yang), meaning the sun of seon goon(military-first [policy]).

Items 1, 2, and 3 together signify Kim Jong-il’s essence, “the everlasting sun of military-first policy.” To elaborate, this distinction infers that he is the inheritor of “the Sun.” “The Sun” itself is an appellation reserved for Kim Il-sung, therefore Kim Jong-il cannot be “the Sun.” So, Kim Jong-il’s sun-hood is narrowed to “sun of seon goon.”

4. Unha missile represents the powerful status of North Korea as a nuclear state.

5. 통일 (tong il), meaning unification. Kim Il-sung’s lifetime dream was to unify the       Korean peninsula by liberating the South of the oppression by the American imperialists.

6. 6.15 공동선언 (gong dong seon uhn), meaning the joint communiqué by Kim Jong-il and Kim Dae-jung on June 15, 2000. This document was a result of the summit between Kim Jong-il of the North and Kim Dae-jung of the South. Its main theme is “unification by ourselves [without interference from outside].” The concept of “uriminjokkiri” was introduced.

7. 10.4 선언 (seon uhn), meaning the communiqué by Kim Jong-il and Roh Moo-hyun on October 4, 2007. This document was the result of the summit between the North’s Kim Jong-il and the South’s Roh Moo-hyun. Both sides reaffirmed to follow through with the uriminjokkiri unification concept from the 6.15 joint communiqué.

This photograph went without much notice since Kim Jong-un released it in commemoration of his father’s birthday February this year, about the time he conducted the third nuclear test. He had successfully launched the rocket around the first anniversary of his father’s death December last year.

 

 

 

 

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Endangering China’s National Security

A Bizarre Story of a South Korean Journalist Lee Sang-yong

By John Cha

The last thing Lee Sang-yong wanted to do in his life was to spend 114 days in jail. A Chinese jail, no less. He was ready head home to Seoul following a three-year stint as a correspondent for an internet newspaper DailyNK, when the Chinese intelligence agents nabbed him in Dalian, a port city at the tip of Tsingtao peninsula about two hundred miles west of Dandong.

“I’d just gotten off the bus from Dandong on my way to see my colleagues there. Four plain clothes men came up to me and handcuffed me, my hands behind my back. The handcuffs were so tight. It hurt so bad, I couldn’t think of anything else.”

He had no idea what the gruff Chinese intelligence agents wanted, wondering if they made a mistake in identity. He would later find out that they knew exactly who he was and that he was a journalist from South Korea. They drove him back to Dandong and put him in a small cell with twenty or so people in it. It was so crowded, he had to sleep sitting up. For meals he had a Chinese bun (mantou) and a bowl of clear broth three times a day.

The first day in jail they told him nothing. Second day, when was called into the interrogation room, the agents started by saying, “You should be thankful that we saved you from the North Korean agents. We found out that they were following you around. We got seven of you guys yesterday.”

Lee was grimly amused. They had a strange way of showing their concern for him—handcuffing him and throwing him into a crowded cell. Yet he was not worried at this point, because the usual MO for the Chinese authorities had been to deport journalists like him after a day or two.

Two days went by, and by the third day, they did an unusual thing. They took him out of the holding tank and transferred him to a regular prison. They hadn’t charged him yet, and he didn’t know what was going on until he got a glimpse of his data sheet on the computer screen during the registration process.  His sheet said, “Crimes against national security,” confusing him to no end.

One week, and then two weeks went by, and the agents didn’t show any signs of letting him go. The prison was an improvement over the holding cell. He didn’t have to sleep sitting up anymore and there were two toilettes in the barracks with twenty inmates. He wanted so badly to brush his teeth and take a shower, but no such luck, although he was allowed to wash his hair after twenty days. He could have bought chicken and pastries, but that was out of question since he didn’t have any money.

He went over and over in his mind what he had done during the past three years that they could have construed as “crimes against national security.” The Chinese agents knew what he did in the greatest of detail, especially after they confiscated his NICON camera with three lenses and his computer containing the stories he had filed to the DailyNK head office in Seoul. They should have known that he had done nothing to compromise the national security of China, but there he was, locked up in a cell that reeked like a chicken coop.

About a month into his incarceration, an interrogator told him, “Normally, we’d notify your family after one day, but in your case, no dice. Instead, we’re going to send you to North Korea, so they can tie you up to the rocket they’re going to blast off.” They seemed to enjoy threatening him like this, Lee thought.

These threats got to him. He became tense and nervous as time went on and developed a hyper stress syndrome, breaking out all over his body. His mission as the correspondent had been to collect and report news stories from North Korea for the DailyNK, considered the top news organization among the North Korea experts. Its founders had mortgaged their homes in 2005 to start the non-profit news organization that went on to break major stories such as public executions, botched currency reform in North Korea , famine, purges, and other stories that described what went on inside North Korea. It is a news source for New York Times, Washington Post, CBS, ABC, BBC, Asahi, Sankei, NHK, TBS, German ARD, French 12channel, CNN, and on. Kim Jong-nam, Kim Jong-il’s first son, was quoted, saying that “The Daily NK is accurate about North Korean markets” although he had reservations about the party elites.

During the process, the DailyNK became a thorn in the eyes of the North Korean authorities. In fact, the hardliners in Pyongyang threatened to bomb its Seoul office to smithereens, calling it the enemy of the republic and imperial dogs, the usual epithets reserved for those they consider hostile.

Lee was aware of these threats, and the presence of North Korean agents who roam the border region in search of the “betrayers of the republic,” which include North Korean defectors, missionaries, and journalists. Thus Lee carefully planned his movements to avoid surveillance, alternating buses and cabs wherever he went. Upon reaching his destination he’d find a high point to scan the area to make sure that he was not followed. If he wasn’t sure, he’d break off the meeting and make a new arrangement for another day.

“I never knew if my contact was going to show up or not. Sometimes it would take three or more attempts before we finally meet up, and sometimes, we would never get to meet. I interviewed hundreds of defectors this way. The hardest part about my job was arranging and meeting informants and verifying stories. I had to interview multiple sources to double check  stories about what’s going on in market places around North Korea, or the streets of Pyongyang. ”

Real news about North Korean people are hard to come by—other than what the party’s propaganda department prints or broadcasts. Nevertheless, Lee had become accustomed to the world where surreptitious news gathering is the norm, constantly mindful of  the NKorean agents who watch informants and journalists alike.

Lee attributes this condition to Kim Jong-il’s “fog veil” strategy with respect to the outflow of information, any information. Kim Jong-il once had fallen off a horse, which required hospitalization. He was not seen for months, and no one, other than an immediate few, knew about his fall. Not even the party cadre of the central committee.

Despite these trying circumstances, Lee finds it very gratifying to tell stories about North Korea. “I feel the happiest when I run into readers who say that they are learning about the North Korean society. I also met some North Korean officials, they didn’t know who I was, and they told me that the Daily NK was really a terrible site. I laughed inside and felt proud that we’re doing a good job.”

His sense of gratification does not come cheap.  An electronics engineering major graduating with honors, he could be working at a major hi tech company and making a lot of money, rather than working at a news organization that is hard-pressed to make payroll every month for twenty-five reporters, translators, and administrative staff.

Asked about his choice for a life of poverty, he smiles and says, “I am the youngest of the eight children in my family, and my sisters and brothers are concerned about that. But where else am I going to find this kind of camaraderie? I am very happy working here.”

Funding was a huge problem during his tour in Manchuria, and it still is for other correspondents.  Lee laments, “I lost many contacts and stories because I didn’t have the money to pay for their meals and cab fare. I skimped on meals and lived in cheap rooms to save what little money I had for my informants. My life was definitely below poverty level. We do need financial help.”

Nevertheless, his life as a pauper and his time in jail hasn’t discouraged him from wanting to go back there. He hopes to return someday and write stories about the life in North Korea, provided that the Chinese government lifts its ban on his return. He would like to get his camera back, too, but he is not counting on it.

I told him about writer Jack London’s confiscated camera in 1904, when he went to Korea as a correspondent for San Francisco Examiner to cover the Russo-Japanese War. London finally recovered his camera from a Japanese army commander with the help of the US State Department. Lee replied, “My camera is gone, my computer, and my note pads. They told me they would burn all  my belongings because they were used for an illegal purpose.”

Lee Sang-yong regrets having spent almost four months in prison, but he is very philosophical about his experience. It took him three months to fully recover from his stress syndrome, and he is back at his desk, as committed and feisty as ever. He says he feels energized by all the friends he made back in Manchuria over the past three years. “I have no regrets, only that I feel like I’ve let down my fellow journalists [by getting caught]. I have to redeem myself now.”

Writer’s note: This story appeared on the February issue of KoreAm Journal, a monthly magazine published in Los Angeles, California. I am grateful to Lee Sang-yong for agreeing to do this interview. He is doing this because he wants to help his colleagues and all those The Daily NK serves. These brave men and women who provide a voice for the voiceless need your help. To make financial contributions to help the starving reporters, please contact dailynk@dailynk.com.

 

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GOOGLE GOES TO PYONGYANG

Script created with Final Draft by Final Draft, Inc.


 

An Improbable Script by John Cha
JANUARY 2013

Google prez Schmidt and former Governor Bill Richardson went
to Pyongyang and had a series of meetings with NKorean mucky
mucks. Their trip drew considerable attention with respect to
its purpose, timing, etc., even as to prompt the State
department to make a public statement that Messrs. Richardson
and Schmidt were making the trip without Uncle Sam's
blessing. Because of the stature of the players involved in
this curious caper, the press had a field day in speculating
as to why these men were going to Pyongyang. 

Some bantered about Kenneth Bae's name in conjunction with a
notion that they were going to rescue the Korean American
from a North Korean prison, in a mission analogous to Bill
Clinton's rescue of two American reporters, Laura Ling and
Eunice Lee, from North Korean captivity. They didn't get to
see Kenneth Bae, according to reports. Also, press interviews
aftermath of their trip was rather scant, perfunctory at
best. 

These factors fueled my own curiosity about the mysterious
trip, which then led me to speculate aloud in the following
pages of my fictionalized script and imagined scenes. 

Please enjoy the spoof. 

John Cha

SCENE 1: SUNAN AIRPORT, OUTSIDE, DAY

A Boeing jet on tarmac (patches of snow), rolls to a stop.
Staircase ramp approaches the jet, and door opens. Schmidt
and Richardson appear at the top of the staircase. They work
their way down the stairs, carrying briefcases.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         These stair treads are a bit
                         slippery, Bill. Be careful.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Got you. You be careful, too.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Hey, Bill, are we doing the right
                         thing by coming here?
                         Who is going to meet us? I'm still
                         not sure what they want from me.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Don't worry about a thing, Eric. I
                         know how to talk to them. Just
                         follow my lead.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         (Sighing) Okay, Bill. Whatever you
                         say.

They reach the bottom of the stairs.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Welcome to North Korea, Governor
                         Richardson.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Thank you. It's good to be back.
                         This is Mr. Schmidt from Google.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Welcome to North Korea, Mr.
                         Schmidt. I heard a lot about you.

They shake hands.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Thank you very much, Minister Kang.
                         It's good of you to come out to see
                         us on a cold day like this.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Not at all. Let's all get in the
                         car and get warm.

The men get in a black MB limo. (No license plate)
THE LIMO GOES THROUGH THE STREETS OF PYONGYANG. ARRIVES AT A
GUEST HOUSE. 

SCENE 2: GUEST HOUSE FRONT, DAY

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         We are here, gentlemen. (Pointing
                         to a couple of  helpers in black
                         suits) They will guide you to your
                         rooms. Why don't you wash up and
                         relax for a while? We have a dinner
                         reservation at Koryo Hotel in a
                         couple of hours. I'll meet you
                         there. Your guides will bring you.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Great. We will see you then.

SCENE 3: KORYO HOTEL LOBBY, INSIDE, EVENING

Richardson and Schmidt enter the lobby. Minister Kang greets
them.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Good evening, Governor Richardson,
                         Mr. Schmidt. I trust everything is
                         in order at your quarters?

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Everything is perfect, thank you. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Yes, perfect. But one thing.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Yes, Mr. Schmidt.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Is it possible to get an internet
                         connection in my room?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Certainly, Mr. Schmidt. I'll have
                         my men take care of it while we
                         have dinner.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         You are so kind. Thank you.
                         (Looking around the lobby) Who are
                         all these people?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Ah, those people? (Smiling) They
                         are hotel staff, reporters,
                         photographers, your admirers.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Ah yes? Photographers? (Turns to
                         Richardson) Governor, maybe this is
                         a good place to present a gift for
                         Marshal Kim?

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Sure, this is a good place as any.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         A gift? For our Great Marshal Kim?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Just a token gift, Minister. Could
                         you convey it to him, please?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Certainly, Mr. Schmidt. What is it?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         (Turns to his guide) Could you hand
                         me my back pack, please? 

Schmidt unzips his back pack and takes out a basketball. 

                                   SCHMIDT (CONT'D)
                         I present to you, should I stand
                         this way for cameras? This is an
                         official NBA basketball, signed by
                         great Kobe Bryant. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Kobe Bryant?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Great Marshal Kim will know who it
                         is.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                             (Laughing, embarrassed) Of
                              course he would! I was
                              with our Great Dear
                              Leader Kim Jong-il when
                              Madame Albright presented
                              a basketball.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         I believe that one was signed by
                         Michael Jordan.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Ah yes, Michael Jordan, the
                         greatest ball player ever lived.
                         Are they taking pictures now? 

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Here, you stand here, Minister
                         Kang, as Mr. Schmidt presents you
                         the ball from the left side. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Okay. Like this? 

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Okay. That's good. Ready?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Okay. (Smiling to photographers) I
                         present this gift to Marshal Kim
                         for letting me visit this great
                         country. I have a gift for you,
                         too, Minister. But I'll give it to
                         you later.

Photographers click their shutters. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Thank you very much, Mr. Schmidt.
                         I'll make sure that our great
                         Marshal Kim gets this. 

Photographers click their shutters.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Okay, are we done? Did everyone get
                         their shots?

Photographers click their shutters.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         A couple more takes?

                                   RICHARDSON
                         I think they're done. Let's eat.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Very well, gentlemen, this way,
                         please.

                                   SCHMIDT
                             (Smiling toward
                              photographers) Thank you
                              very much.

                                                       THE ENTOURAGE
                                                         WALK TOWARD
                                                      PRIVATE DINING
                                                       ROOM PAST THE
                                                         OPEN AREA. 

SCENE 4: PRIVATE DINING ROOM, INSIDE, EVENING
Large dining hall, soft lighting, adorned with flower plants,
low stage to one side, with a drum set. Round table, fancy
place setting, multiple wine glasses. 

Pretty servers dressed in bright Korean dresses greet them
with a bow.

                                   SERVERS
                         Welcome and good evening. (In
                         unison)

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Thank you, wow, you are all so
                         beautiful. 

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Wait till you hear them sing. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Sing?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         They are professional singers
                         trained at the Revolutionary School
                         of Performance.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Really? That's great. 

                                   RICHARDSON
                         They'll ask you to sing, too.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Me? Sing? No way. I'm not singing.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         You will. Trust me. Sit down and
                         watch what happens.

Servers enter with wine bottles and fill glasses. 

                                   SERVER 1
                         Good evening, sir, would you care
                         for some wine?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Yes, I'd love some. California
                         wine?

                                   RICHARDSON
                         (Laughing) No, I don't think so.
                         French, most likely. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         California wine? No problem.
                         Mondavi? Wente?

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Really? How is that possible?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Governor, really. This is 2013.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         In that case, how about Coca Cola?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         No problem. They'll bring some for
                         you.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Well, there you go, Governor. They
                         got everything here.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         (Mumbling) Incredible...

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Okay, before we get to dinner, can
                         I ask you some questions first?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Certainly. What would you like to
                         know?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Minister Kang, you do know that
                         Google is interested in Asia. What
                         if I were to tell you that we want
                         to build computers in North Korea? 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         That would be wonderful, Mr.
                         Schmidt. We have excellent programs
                         for foreign companies. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Really? Such as? 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Such as, free land, no taxes.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Minister Kang, did I hear you
                         correctly? No taxes?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Correct, sir. No taxes. But you do
                         have to pay wages. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Of course, I have to pay wages for
                         the workers. But no taxes?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         No taxes. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         That's incredible. 

                                   RICHARDSON
                         I told you so, didn't I?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         I have a question for you. It's an
                         unpleasant question.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Please go ahead, Minister.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Google is famous for spying on
                         people, what they say, what they
                         eat, what kind of books they read,
                         what they buy, and on. Is that
                         correct?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         (Guffaw) That's not true. Where did
                         you hear that?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Well, I hear things. New York,
                         mostly.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Well, we might profile customers'
                         interests to help them with their
                         daily needs, whatever that may be.
                         But we don't spy on them, as you
                         say.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         (Smiles) Mr. Schmidt, I am not
                         criticizing you. I just want to
                         know how you do it, and how
                         effective it is in controlling
                         people's behavior.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         (Guffaw) Your Excellency! You have
                         a great sense of humor. To tell the
                         truth, I wanted to ask you the
                         exact same question.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Aha! Comrade Schmidt, now we have
                         something in common.
                             (Long pause, wine sipping
                              noise)

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Ah, comrade Minister, perhaps we
                         do, perhaps we do.

 SNOW OUTSIDE, ZOOM HOTEL WINDOW INTO DINING ROOM, MEN
 DRINKING WINE, TALKING.

 MOMENTS LATER

 SCENE 5: MEN'S ROOM, INSIDE, NIGHT
 Richardson and Schmidt standing side by side at urinal
 stalls.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Eric, what the hell are you doing?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         What do you mean?

                                   RICHARDSON
                         What's with the "Ah, comrade
                         minister" bit?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Oh, that.... I'm just trying to be
                         friendly, that's all.

                                   RICHARDSON
                         I sure don't like the way this
                         whole thing is going.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         No worries, Bill. Everything is
                         going to work out just fine.

SCENE 6: DINING ROOM, INSIDE, NIGHT

Richardson and Schmidt return to their seats, exchange
furtive glances. Minister Kang, who has been talking to
servers, turns to Richardson and Schmidt, smiles. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         I asked them to play loud music, so
                         we can talk in confidence.

Shortly, drums roll. Guitar players, singers line up on
stage. They sing "My General." Loud.

                                   MINISTER KANG (CONT'D)
                         What do you know about Blue Coat
                         system?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Blue Coat, Minister?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Come on, Mr. Schmidt, you know what
                         I am talking about.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Okay, Minister, if you insist. It
                         is a new surveillance system. It
                         can detect, censure, moderate
                         anything you want. That is,
                         anything on the internet. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Are you doing that now? 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Of course not. Like I told you, we
                         provide service to consumers. Blue
                         Coat is something else. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         I see. We are interested in
                         providing service for our people. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         What kind of service do you have in
                         mind, comrade Minister?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         We want to distribute our
                         revolutionary messages more
                         effectively. Our current system is
                         antiquated. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         (Smiling) We anticipated your
                         needs, comrade Minister. I would
                         like to present this gift to you,
                         our new, revolutionary computer. We
                         call it MR-1.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         MR-1? 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         It stands for "Mind Reader." It is
                         the ultimate surveillance tool.
                         You'll know everything about your
                         target. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Is that so, Mr. Schmidt? How does
                         it work?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Well, you know computers have a
                         tiny camera that takes pictures?  

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Yes?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         MR-1 has a second camera that scans
                         your brain and streams it to the
                         central processing center.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Tell me more, comrade. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         The central processing center
                         collects and analyzes what everyone
                         sees, hears, says, and most
                         important, their thoughts.
                         Aha, comrade Minister, I can see in
                         your eyes that you're very
                         interested! 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         I am intrigued by this system,
                         comrade, its concept sounds very
                         familiar.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         But of course, comrade Minister,
                         you've been doing this for years,
                         but manually.
                         With this system, you don't have to
                         go through all the troubles of
                         sending around trucks to detect
                         cell phone signals. You don't need
                         to resort to torture to extract
                         information out of your targets.
                         They will volunteer their
                         information. Do you get the
                         picture?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Hmm. I can see the value in your
                         new computer. Yes. As I am
                         listening to you, I am thinking
                         about ways to implement it. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         But first, comrade Minister, we
                         don't want anyone to find out about
                         MR-1. That's why we want to
                         manufacture our new revolutionary
                         computer here because of your
                         ability to keep secrets. We don't
                         want any information leak. That's
                         very important to us.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Of course. So, what are your plans? 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         We'll make ten thousand units and
                         do a market test. We would like to
                         use your population sample to test
                         what works and what doesn't.

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         There's one problem. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         What's that, comrade?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Our population is not, what you
                         say, wired. We don't have the
                         internet highway.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         No worries, comrade Minister. Let
                         Me worry about that. MR-1 comes
                         wired. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         How is that possible?

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Everything is mobile now. We can
                         reverse synchronize the mobile
                         devices with computers. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         This is beyond my comprehension. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         I will brief your engineers. You
                         don't need to get involved with the
                         technical details. All you have to
                         do is to get Marshal Kim to agree
                         to open his country to internet. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         (Pensive, takes out a cigarette,
                         lights it, exhales smoke, long and
                         slow. He nods.) 

                                   RICHARDSON
                         Okay, gentlemen, why don't we stop
                         there for now and try some of the
                         delicious stuff they have here. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         One more thing, Bill. I want to
                         congratulate Marshal Kim for his
                         successful rocket launch.  

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         (Beaming) Thank you, comrade. I
                         will convey your message. He is
                         very proud of the launch. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         I take it that the satellite is
                         working smoothly?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Of course, comrade, that's what I
                         understand.

                                   SCHMIDT
                         That's wonderful, comrade Minister.
                         All you have to do is install a MR
                         1 relay transmitter in the
                         satellite. And you will have a
                         working surveillance system for
                         (pause, smile) spying on your
                         people. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         (Appalled, aghast, guffaw) Mr.
                         Schmidt! We do not spy on our
                         people! Only the enemies of our
                         republic. 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         But of course, comrade Minister, of
                         course. We do understand each other
                         perfectly. 

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Ha ha ha ha. (Motioning to the
                         band) Stop the music! Stop the
                         music! Let's have some food! 

ZOOM OUT, LONG SHOT OF THREE MEN CLINKING WINE GLASSES. THEY
LAUGH. 

Credit scrolls as the band plays "Happy Days Are Here Again."

VOICE OVER:

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Did you see the movie Red Dawn?
                         Isn't that ridiculous to think that
                         your country is actually going to
                         invade my country?

                                   MINISTER KANG
                         Yes, ha ha ha. Ludicrous.
                         Ludicrous. Some people think our
                         rocket is for ICBM. Why would we
                         want to shoot rockets at you? 

                                   SCHMIDT
                         Ha ha ha....
(Fade out)

Big bold lettering : 

"All characters appearing in this script as well as those
 mentioned are fictional. Any resemblance to actual persons is
 a pure accident."
The End

 


 

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Willow Tree Shade in Korean

버드나무 그늘 아래

Korean Willow Tree Shade at Kyobo bookstore, downtown Seoul

What a nice surprise to run into an old friend in Kyobo Moon Goh, a marvelous bookstore downtown Seoul. I had to take a picture of the Korean version of my Willow Tree Shade, a book I had the greatest time writing. It is a story about Susan Ahn Cuddy who joined the US Navy during WWII and distinguished herself as the first woman gunnery officer in the US Navy and later an intelligence analyst at NSA. Born in Los Angeles in 1915, she lives in Northridge, California with her son Flip. Her older brother Philip Ahn, who appeared in thirty plus movies from the 1930s and on, has a star on Hollywood Walk of Fame.

Her father Dosan Ahn Chang-ho, a well-known patriot, teacher, statesman, poet, and lyricist of Ae G’uk Ga hailed from Pyongyang in 1878. According to Kim Il-sung’s biography “With the Century 세기와 더불어,” Kim, then a 15-year-old student in Jilin, Manchuria in 1927 saved Dosan from the imperialist Japanese soldiers. His younger sister Ahn Shin-ho was a member of Kim Il-sung’s cabinet as the Vice Chair of Central Committee for Women. She now rests in Memorial Park for Patriots in Pyongyang.

Dosan and his wife Lee Hye-ryon rest in Dosan Park in Gangnam Shinsa-dong, south side of Seoul.

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Korean Election 2012

In search of materials for my KoreAm
article re Korean prez election 

Moon supporters in ITaeWon

 

 

 

 

 

 

A Moon supporter on rally mobile in Kangnam

 

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Korean Uprising 1919

Taking a history break

DaeHanMoon 2012: Entrance to DeokSu Palace

This is where Korea’s largest civil uprising took place on March 1, 1919, the day of King Kojong’s funeral. Japanese imperialist soldiers, then occupiers of Korea, were on a lookout for any sort of unrest, but they weren’t able to prevent the mass demonstration. More than two million people participated in this movement called the 3.1 Independence Movement. Thousands of them gave their lives to the cause.

 

 


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Collective Naiveté : Ahn Cheol-soo and Hwang Jang-yop

Korean Presidential Election 2012

Are you confused about what’s going on with the presidential election in Korea? You are not alone. I am getting a lot of questions about it and I thought I would talk about what I am seeing here in Korea.

On December 19 the Korean electorate will send either Ms. Park Geun-hye or Mr. Moon Jae-in to the Blue House, the presidential mansion at the foot of Buk Han Mountain. Both Park and Moon are familiar with the Blue House. Park lived there with her father Park Chung-hee, president of South Korea from 1963 to 1979. Moon spent his time at the Blue House as the Chief of Staff for president Roh Moo-hyun from 2003 to 2008.

As of one week ago, there was another candidate named Ahn Cheol-soo, aka Charles Ahn. He doesn’t know much about the Blue House.

I love Ahn Cheol-soo.

Why?
Well, I will tell you in a bit, but first, a little background about his run at the Blue House. Ahn is a medical doctor by training and a software mogul who developed an anti-virus program that made him a huge fortune. A product of Seoul National U and Wharton School, he seemed to appear out of nowhere, creating a tremendous excitement among the electorate of all ages with his talk of political reform. He created such a stir that he has a phenomenon named after him—“Ahn Cheol-soo phenomenon.”

This phenomenon confused the hell out of the traditional politicos from both sides of the aisle. Nothing like this ever happened in the history of Korean politics. So, they tried to downplay it as a fluke or a passing phase, but they didn’t understand what was going on in the people’s minds. People saw in Ahn their hope for a real political reform. They had enough of the old corrupt practices and wanted change. Ahn was the one to lead them out of the political doldrums.

Ahn threw his hat in the ring and declared his candidacy for the presidential election on September 19, by popular demand. As an independent, he led in some polls and close second in others in the three-way race, incredibly.

Then came a brilliant idea. If Ahn and Moon, both of them liberals, teamed up together, they could beat Ms. Park, a conservative, hands down, couldn’t they? The idea was to keep the conservative SaeNuRi party from regaining the Blue House. So, Ahn and Moon agreed to combine forces together for the liberal cause and entered into a process called dahn-il-hwa, literally meaning “merging two candidates into one,” a magical alchemy of sorts.

Well, the process didn’t work.
Disillusioned and teary, Ahn called a news conference on November 23 and announced his resignation from his candidacy, shocking everyone. I mean everyone. His words to his closest staff just before he stepped onto the podium: “I didn’t sell out my soul for the presidency.” Enigmatic though these words were, they made sense to his closest colleagues, but the rest of the politicos and the press are still trying to figure out what those words mean.

The dahn-il-hwa process intended for a beautiful marriage only separated the two camps like oil and water. Some Ahn supporters explained what happened: The old guards from the Minju party wanted Moon, their candidate of choice, to emerge as the sole candidate out of the merging process, that was their only goal, and were not interested in Ahn’s vision for the new, transparent politics. This was the reason for Ahn’s pullout.

That does not explain why I love Ahn Cheol-soo.
If anyone analyzed my view of the world, he or she will find rather a peculiar tendency in me to gravitate toward the voices of the minority over those belonging to the majority. Somewhere along the way, I picked up a habit of cheering for underdogs and I wonder if it isn’t because minority voices ring truer than the so-called majority presumed to be in control of the world.

As a youngster growing up in Korea, I did not grow up with a warm feeling toward Syngman Rhee because I saw him as deceitful, especially when I learned that he fled southward to escape from the Northern invaders at the outset of the Korean War. He was the president and he rightfully should have fled, but then he continued to tell the people over and over in a looped radio announcement that there was nothing to worry about because the good guys were beating back the bad guys. And many people believed him and stayed back in Seoul while Rhee made his way toward Busan. To make matters worse, Rhee’s army blew up the lone bridge across the Han River—after he crossed it to safety—leaving the thousands of fleeing Seoulites in a lurch, at the mercy of the marauders who rolled over Seoul in just three days.

That event shaped and defined for the young boy in me the meaning of a courageous leader versus a coward. I saw cowardice in Rhee. Notwithstanding my negative impression of Rhee, he continued to command the majority votes in the national assembly and the ballot box, and I didn’t understand why the majority didn’t see the glaring flaw in his character.

Years later when Rhee sought to become the permanent president for life, I sensed that something was really wrong. When people rose up against the corrupt regime in a civil unrest referred to as 4.19 Revolt, I felt excitement for a new world. What was once a voice of the minority became reality.

Roll ahead a few years, I found myself in the midst of another uproar, this time on university campuses in America. UC Berkeley campus was embroiled in a free speech movement, and Martin Luther King was leading civil rights marches from Selma to Montgomery. These were the voices of the minority that would prevail years later.

These events reinforced my belief that minority voices register higher in the truth meter. The prevailing majority in general are bent on pushing their agenda in order to preserve their interest and powerbase.

Roll ahead several decades, and we come to the present. I am in Seoul witnessing a new struggling voice—a plea for political reform. But the new politics advocated by a new phenom named Ahn Cheol-soo is now deemed amateurish, while a good portion of the population continue to pine for his honesty. The two prevailing parties of power go at each other to claim those votes which otherwise would have gone to Ahn. Ahn and his supporters are minority underdogs. That’s why I love Ahn Cheol-soo.

There’s another minority voice I came to admire of late. It is the voice of Hwang Jang-yop, a liberal thinker from the North, who exiled to the South to carry on his work of democratization of North Korea. An elite ideologue of the Workers Party in Pyongyang, he had argued for an economic reform in the North, but lost his bid against the immovable tide of the majority led by Kim Jong-il.

But these minority voices will prevail in the end. Just as the 4.19 revolt, Berkeley free speech initiative, and civil rights movement have. The reform process is long and slow but it is inevitable. I say to Ahn Cheol-soo, hang in there, we shall overcome. We shall overcome someday. I dream of the day when brothers and sisters of the North and the South stand side by side and sing we shall overcome, together.

“If we are to reform our nation, we first need to reform each one of us individually. No one else can make us achieve transformation; each of us must reform ourselves as an individual.”  - Dosan Ahn Chang-Ho -

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Aung San Suu Kyi: Teacher Hwang’s Doppelgänger

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi who had endured house arrest for twenty years is about to become the president of Myanmar (aka Burma) if everything goes right for her. She has emerged the leader of democratic reform for Myanmar, a South Asian country that had been ruled by military dictators over fifty years.

While she was incarcerated, she was given a choice to leave Myanmar and reunite with her family in England where her husband and her two sons lived. She chose to stay in Burma and became a thorn to the military dictatorship, and she is rightly credited for inspiring the Burmese people to move toward a freer society. She could have left Myanmar for a peaceful life with her own family, she had that option all along, but she felt compelled to remain in Myanmar and continue her struggle against the dictatorship. Her vision and courage earned her a Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and US Congressional Gold Medal in 2012.

Take Teacher Hwang Jang-yop, who, following his defection from North Korea, championed its democratization movement. He terribly missed his family left behind in Pyongyang, but he couldn’t go home. The dictatorship he chose to dissent from, mainly Kim Jong-il, declared him the “public enemy number one” and sought to assassinate him. Also, his wife committed suicide, and his daughter fell out of a moving truck. He didn’t know what happened to his son and his grandchild. He didn’t have the option to go back home and reunite with his family. Instead he lived in a heavily guarded safe house in South Korea.

Both Aung San Suu Kyi and Hwang Jang-yop sacrificed and devoted themselves to the democratization of their respective countries, but with different results. By all indications, Myanmar appears to be on the road to reform, with former generals donning civilian suits rather than the old uniforms weighed down with medals. Perhaps the military junta is comfortable with the idea of reform, or they finally figured out that dictatorship didn’t work when it comes to governing a nation of people. Maybe they got wise to the fact that military authoritarianism is suited for military operations and maneuvers, not for politics of dealing with fundamental needs of the people. In any case, they finally figured out that they needed outside help, in the form of international trading or aid.

On the other hand, Kim Jong-un is just beginning to learn the ropes about the military-first concept that he inherited from his father. He has a long way to go before he realizes, if ever, what quasi-civilian leaders of Myanmar have learned.

But then I think Burmese generals are less brutal than the Kims, relatively speaking, of course. I say that because the Kimdom of the North never would have allowed Aung San Suu Kyi carry on her work of democratization. She would have been purged a long time ago along with all those who dared to speak up against the establishment over the years, never mind being offered the option of reuniting with her family.

Teacher Hwang, with the support of a number of party cadres, tried to persuade Kim Il-sung of a reform styled after the Chinese model in order to turn around the deteriorating conditions, but Kim Il-sung took sides with Kim Jong-il’s nuclear program and his military-first initiative. That was the end of that discussion.

By the time Kim Il-sung died in 1994, he was aware of the acute food and energy problem, but he never saw the great famine that followed. Nor did he see his son Kim Jong-il’s refusal to take the responsibility for the famine. Kim Jong-il announced to the party cadres that he was not responsible for the economic condition; he was too busy with the affairs of the state. Teacher Hwang later said, “The difference between Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il is that Kim Il-sung never, never would have let the people starve to death.”

Myanmar, no stranger to starvation pain and suffering, is doing something about improving the conditions of its people, led by Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi. As I watch on television the news of Barack Obama’s visit to Myanmar today, I can’t help but wonder—what if Teacher Hwang was allowed to stay in Pyongyang and continue his advocacy for democratization?

My fantasy lasts only a brief second. My question for today is: What is Kim Jong-un like, his grandfather or his father when it comes to solving problems for the masses?

 

 

 

 

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Sunshine Policy: Pros and Cons

Once I asked Teacher Hwang Jang-yop, “What did the sunshine policy do for the people of North Korea?”                                                                                                                       He fell silent for a long time.                                                                                                     I didn’t say anything, thinking all the while that I wasn’t going to get an answer.  But I waited.                                                                                                                               Finally, he said, “It harmed the people [of North Korea]. It prolonged the life of the failed regime.”                                                                                                                                     I knew what he meant by his reference to the “failed regime” and I didn’t press the point. Implicit in his reply was his critical view of Kim Jong-il’s policies, which he believed responsible for the perished three million lives in one of the worst famines known to mankind in modern history.  Furthermore, he believed that had it not been for the sunshine policy, the Kim Jong-il machinery would have crumbled and lost its potency.

Books, theses, and pamphlets written about the sunshine policy tout it as the ultimate instrument for peacemaking in the Korean peninsula. And the world acquiesced that was the case. After all, the sunshine policy was championed by none other than former President of South Korea Kim Dae-jung, a distinguished Nobel laureate and a close friend of Nelson Mandela.

So, what exactly is this sunshine policy purportedly designed to bring North Korea in out of the cold, thereby thawing the tension between the North and the South? I quote Professor Moon Chung-in of Yonsei University (Seoul, Korea), from his thesis entitled “The Sunshine Policy and the Korean Summit: Assessments and Prospects” (EAST ASIAN REVIEW, WINTER 2000 issue):

“The sunshine policy can be seen as a proactive policy to induce incremental and voluntary changes in North Korea for peace, opening, and reform through the patient pursuit of reconciliation, exchanges, and cooperation. In the forthcoming discussion, however, the sunshine policy goes beyond simple engagement. It comprises several components such as military deterrence, international collaboration, and domestic consensus. Nevertheless, its objective is crystal clear: to lay the foundation for peaceful Korean unification by breaking the vicious cycle of negative, hostile actions and reactions through peaceful coexistence and peaceful exchanges and cooperation. The sunshine policy is based on three fundamental principles as outlined in President Kim’s inaugural speech. The first principle is non-tolerance of military threat or armed provocation by North Korea. The second is the official abandonment of the idea of unification by absorption and the negation of any other measures to undermine or threaten North Korea, and the third is the promotion of exchanges and cooperation through resumption of the 1991 Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-aggression and Exchanges and Cooperation.”

I remember listening to Kim’s inaugural speech and recall how excited I was. Finally! I exclaimed, a reasonable track toward peace and reconciliation between North and South!  No provocation by the North! No absorption attempts by the South! Pursuit of cooperation! Fabulous!                                                                                                         That was 1998, and the year 2000 produced the historic inter-Korea summit between the two leaders, Kim Jong-il and Kim Dae-jung. Bring on the sunshine, yes! On his return from the summit, Kim Dae-jung declared that peace was at hand in the Korean peninsula. I was a believer then.

Euphoria didn’t last long, though.

Rumors went around that the Kim Dae-jung government had paid half a billion dollars to Kim Jong-il for the privilege of sitting down with him. I ignored the rumor. Come March 8, 2001, he said something very peculiar in Washington, which alarmed me. I quote Sung-yoon Lee of Tufts University:

“When asked about human rights problems in North Korea at the American Enterprise Institute on March 8, 2001, three months after being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, Kim Dae Jung said, “To affront North Korea with human rights issues in their face, with criticism, would not be wise–the greatest human rights issue on the Korean peninsula is that of the 10 million members of the separated families.” Such pronounced reluctance to address human rights issues set the tone for Kim Dae Jung’s Sunshine era, which remained firmly in place throughout the term of his successor, Roh, despite rapidly expanding public information about North Korea’s vast political-prisoner concentration camps and the inhumane conditions the North Korean state willfully maintained in those camps.”

Then during the height of  the 2002 World Cup, a northern warship sank a southern ship in a sea battle in Yeon Pyung Sea. A funeral service was held for the perished sailors,  which Kim Dae-jung chose not to attend. Instead, he went to Japan to watch a soccer match between Korea and Turkey, and this didn’t bode well with the families of the fallen defenders of the sea. That was a huge mistake in judgment on his part, I thought. On television he smiled and waved his hand as if nothing had gone on in the West Sea days before. I began to doubt this business about the sunshine policy.

Several years later Teacher Hwang said that when Kim Dae-jung first brought up the sunshine idea[at a speech in Washington in 1994], fellow scholars in Pyongyang mused that “New sunshine from the south will blind us. We don’t need any more sun. We already have two great suns, Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il.” They didn’t understand why they were the subject of the sunshine treatment, nor did they understand the analogy that involved the famous Aesop’s fable. They weren’t about to argue with the program however, because it was a very generous proposition for the fatherland.

When Kim Dae-jung was elected president of South Korea in 1998 he proceeded with the installation of sunshine policy as the national mission. His successor President Roh Moo-hyun followed suit. Thus, the Blue House in Seoul emitted its own brand of sunshine for the following decade. Notwithstanding the generosity of the sunshine policy, however, Kim Jong-il proceeded with nuclear tests and missile tests during those sunshine years. So, in the end, the sunshine policy and generous gifts mounting to billions of dollars had no effect in modifying Kim Jong-il’s behavior. He remained as hostile as before, or even worse. In short, the sunshine failed. It thawed nothing within inter-Korean relations.

I now understood Teacher Hwang’s assessment of  the sunshine program. Sung-yoon Lee agrees with Teacher Hwang:

“Alleviating human suffering and advancing human rights requires a long-term commitment and significant economic and political capital. Evidently, the Sunshine Policy chose not to address such costly undertakings, opting instead for illusions of diplomatic progress and atmospherics of summit pageantry. The shadow of human rights in Kim Dae Jung’s Sunshine Policy presents an irreconcilable conflict that will lead to a cold historical verdict on the man and his policy. In his effort to prevent the collapse of the North Korean system, Kim Dae Jung abetted and sustained the Kim Jong Il regime…”

Other scholars and politicians disagree with this assessment. Moon Chung-in for instance attributes the failure of the sunshine policy to the U.S. policies. Wall Street Journal on June 19, 2012, 1:43 PM KST posted the following interview with Moon about his book called “The Sunshine Policy: In Defense of Engagement as a Path to Peace in Korea.” I quote an excerpt from his interview with WSJ.

WSJ: What is the main thing you’re trying to get across in the book?                                Mr. Moon: What I wanted to convey to Western readers is very simple. A lot of people say the Sunshine Policy failed. But the longevity of the Sunshine Policy was just nine months. June to December 2000 and October to December 2007. The rise of Bush destroyed everything. And then the Lee Myung-bak government came and derailed everything achieved in the Roh Moo-hyun government. Therefore, it is not ten years of Sunshine Policy. It was less than one year.

Ah, new revelation! The sunshine policy never got off the ground because of GW Bush! But of course! It’s easy to blame Bush, I suppose, but I detect some inconsistency here. I am having trouble with the fact that Kim Dae-jung took credit for brokering peace in the Korean peninsula by way of his sunshine policy and accepted the Nobel Peace Prize for his effort. And yet, Moon says that the program never got off the ground!

There are more inconsistencies in what Moon says. Further down in the same interview with the Wall Street Journal, Moon says that human rights and peace must be viewed separately.

WSJ: So do you believe if South Korea keeps quiet about North Korea’s human rights problems, North Korea will eventually improve?                                                                  Mr. Moon: The whole point is we are aware of human rights conditions in North Korea and we want improvement in human rights conditions in North Korea. But there is a method of improving human rights in North Korea. There is a priority too. For example, for me, peace is more important than human rights. Basic human needs are more important than human rights. I know that human rights is a universal value we should strive towards. But peace is also a universal value. Satisfaction of basic human needs is a universal value. This is a priority problem. If I were in the government, I would give more emphasis on peace and satisfaction of basic human needs, opening and reforming North Korea. And if human rights become an obstacle to those things, I would put it in the so-called lower category and let civil society lead on that.

To be frank, I didn’t understand his notion that “peace is more important than human rights,” or “Basic human needs are more important than human rights.” I had to read it several times before I realized that he was a very confused man. Human rights and peace are not separable commodities. They are fundamental human values intertwined together. In other words, peace under duress, such as in violation of human rights, cannot be deemed peaceful.

I think when we talk about human rights, we have to talk about it in its totality because we cannot have human rights for some and not for others. When we achieve human rights for all, which encompasses providing for basic human needs, then we achieve true peace. I think that’s the way these values work, and not the other way around.

What Moon alludes to is not true peace. He is merely talking about a system of constraint, in which he proposes to gloss over the human rights problem in North Korea and go directly to peaceful co-existence. I don’t believe that is a wise track to choose because it precludes so many people from the human rights equation. There needs to be a discussion on human rights beginning with the right to eat, right to speak, right to move freely, and use these rights as bricks for building a peaceful house in which both the North and the South can live.

Peace in the peninsula can be meaningful only when people can freely go back and forth without fear or consequences. This item is high on my list of human rights.

There you have it, two divergent views on the merits of the sunshine policy. Teacher Hwang Jang-yop is gone now and no longer available to set the record straight on the merits of sunshine policy, whether it truly benefited the people in the North. But his voice for the powerless continues to reverberate among many, which I hope is strong enough to keep ill-conceived fantasies like the sunshine policy off the table.

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